Americans on the right half of the political spectrum have tended to underplay the danger of Covid-19. They have been less willing to wear masks or avoid indoor parties and have been reluctant to get vaccinated.

These attitudes are part of a larger pattern in which American conservatives tend to be skeptical of public-health warnings from scientists — on climate change, air pollution, gun violence, school lunches and more. In the case of Covid, Republican politicians and media figures have encouraged risky behavior by making false statements regarding the virus.

To many liberals, Covid has become another example of the modern Republican Party’s hostility to facts and evidence. And that charge certainly has some truth to it. Yet the particular narrative with Covid is also more complicated — since conservatives aren’t the only ones misinterpreting scientific evidence in systematic ways. Americans on the left half of the political spectrum are doing it, too.

That’s a central finding from a survey of 35,000 Americans by Gallup and Franklin Templeton. It finds that both liberals and conservatives suffer from misperceptions about the pandemic — in opposite directions. “Republicans consistently underestimate risks, while Democrats consistently overestimate them,” Jonathan Rothwell, Gallup’s chief economist, and Sonal Desai, a Franklin Templeton executive, write.

More than one third of Republican voters, by way of instance, said that people without Covid symptoms could not spread the virus. Similar stocks said that Covid was killing fewer people than the seasonal flu or vehicle crashes. All those beliefs are wrong, and badly so. Asymptomatic spread is a major source of transmission, and Covid has killed about 15 times more Americans than either the flu or automobile crashes do in a normal year.

Democrats, on the other hand, are more inclined to exaggerate the severity of Covid. When asked how frequently Covid patients had to be hospitalized, a huge share of Democratic voters said that 20 percent did. The actual hospitalization rate is between 1 percent and 5 percent.

Democrats are also more likely to exaggerate Covid’s toll on young people and to think that children account for a meaningful share of deaths. In reality, Americans under 18 account for just 0.04 percent of Covid deaths.

It’s true that some of these misperceptions reflect the fact that most individuals are not epidemiologists and that estimating medical data is difficult. Still, the errors do have a connection to real-world behavior, Rothwell told me.

Republicans’ underestimation of Covid risks helps explain their resistance to wearing a mask — even though doing so could save their own life or that of a family member. And Democrats’ overestimation of risks explains why so many have accepted school closures — despite the harm being done to children, in lost learning, lost social connections and, in the case of poorer kids, missed meals.

The countries with the Maximum share of closed schools are all blue states: California, Oregon, Maryland, New Mexico, Hawaii, Nevada, Massachusetts and New Jersey. I believe in many ways its based on the fact that these voters are misinformed about the risks to young people and theyre misinformed about the risks generally Rothwell said.

The reasons for these ideological biases aret completely clear, but they aren’t shocking. Conservatives are far more hostile to behavior restrictions and to scientific research. And liberals occasionally reverted to social issues. (A classic example was the overpopulation scare of the 1960s and ’70s, when people on the left wrongly predicted that the world would run out of meals.)

Covid, of course, represents a real catastrophe, one which has already killed over a half-million Americans and continues to kill more than 1,000 per day . As in the case of several disasters, underreaction has been the bigger issue with Covid — but it hasn’t been the only issue.

Perhaps the best news in the Gallup survey was that some people were eager to reevaluate their beliefs when given new information. Republicans took the pandemic more seriously after being advised that the amount of new cases was rising, and Democrats were more positive to peer schooling after hearing that the American Academy of Pediatrics supports it.

Thats very encouraging, Rothwell told me. “It’s discouraging that people didn’t already know it. ”

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Most pop songs since the 1960s have followed roughly the exact same structure: The opening verse sets the scene, building to a climax with the chorus. From that point, it repeats.

Now thats being upended, as Nate Sloan and Charlie Harding, co-hosts of this music podcast Switched On Pop, write in The Times. Many strikes because the 2010s have eschewed the catchy, rigid structure for something wilder and less predictable. Their article visualizes these changes, charting the structure of pop hits from Billie Holiday to Billie Eilish.

Part of the reason behind the move toward less predictability: With the growth of social media platforms and audio streaming services such as Spotify, songs now have more competition for individuals ’s focus. Many artists want to get to the hook of a song faster, delivering many different catchy segments rather than one repeating choruses to keep people listening.

Streaming has also incentivized pop music to become shorter, in part because people can easily skip around. The average No. 1 hit now clocks in at just over three minutes, down nearly a full minute from the early 2000s. The new brevity is something of a return to the early days of rock ’n’ roll .

Make saag paneer, an Indian dish with spinach (or other dark greens) and spices. And check out the most popular recipes on NYT Cooking’s Instagram account.

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